What We Have Here…
…Is Spin Passing For News!
And yes, that is most definitely a “failure to communicate,” he said completing the famous and almost trite movie quotation.
Breaking from his vacation, as I am from mine, my friend Hugh Hewitt points out, in this week of way too much race-based news:
Did any of the JournoList participants rebuke Spencer Ackerman’s suggestion that Fred Barnes or Karl Rove be made a target of a manufactured “racist” charge?
Ackerman will be carrying the burden of that despicable suggestion for the rest of his “career” such as it is, but it may even be worse to have been a participant in the list and to have said nothing when such an assault was proposed. Even if the “journalists” on the list hated Karl Rove as an extension of Bush and thus talked themselves into this repulsive group-think, many of them know for a fact that Fred is among the most decent and large-hearted of journalists. To have said nothing when a colleague or far worse, a friend, was nominated for the worst sort of slander is an extraordinary personal failure. Whether any of those who were party to it step forward to apologize will be interesting to watch.
[...]
When Andrew Breitbart posted the NAACP video, he did not know it had been edited. Journalists who commented on the story did not know of the editing either.
But everyone on JournoList knew that Ackerman was proposing a Big Lie in the service of a political agenda –Ackerman admitted that himself– so they all stood by and said nothing. The only defense that any of them have is that Ackerman was an insignificant loon or that they missed his post, even though it appeared in the middle of the biggest story of the time period.
Just this morning, over my hotel breakfast, FoxNews was discussing newly leaked JournoList postings from campaign ‘08 trying to paint the Palin VP nomination as “sexist.”
There are two terribly important lessons for this blog that can be taken away from this scandal and the USDA atrocities of the week.
The first is that the press, at least a significant portion of it, is all too willing to discuss the use of label/identity based spin to aid the Democratic side of the aisle. It confirms something that people have known all along. The lack of discrimination is born not in monitoring the use of identity labels, but in being blind to them. When considered, whether in base discrimination, such as Jim Crow, or in the type of “reverse discrimination” we are seeing from the JournoList crowd they are political weapons, and they are poltical weapons that our common understanding, and in some cases our constitution place off limits.
Religion is one of those identity labels that our constitution places strictly off limits. The reason for that is very straightforward – all it can do is serve to create conflict when what we need is the finding of common ground to move the nation forward. The USDA events of the past week show that the opportunity for mischief with identity factors is just too great to use them AT ALL.
Which brings me to this very interesting piece by Kenneth Anderson on the Volokh Conspiracy (HT: a reader that sent it forward.) Anderson argues that there are some things about religion that should be a part of the public discourse:
But of course, the problem is how to parse the difference between that which is acceptable for inquiry concerning someone who proposes to lead the polis and what is genuinely personal and irrelevant. My one regret is that the nasty fireworks at the beginning of that long essay tend to obscure the quite serious argument about how to draw those lines that occupies the second half. (It is not, by the way, a regret for having ridiculed the two principals — I think that it is important, actually, for people to understand the affective side of this and not pretend that it is purely mild cognition, and that was one way to do it.) But this issue is going to resurface, certainly with Romney, and with others. The problem, at its most general, is that religion bears certain characteristics of immutable characteristics, like race or ethnicity — marks of identity that one could not change about oneself, but which — again, like skin color — are morally irrelevant, and so cannot, by themselves, be cause for either accepting or rejecting a person as a political leader in a liberal society.
But religion also has a cognitive content — including doctrines — that are and should be subject to reasoned discussion. The believer who partakes of them as doctrines of faith might not do that, and might not be able to do that, almost by definition. Yet it would also be a mistake to draw too sharp a line between things subject to human reason and things not of this world and so not subject to human reason; particularly law-based religions partake of both. Mormonism, for that matter, incorporates this directly into its prophetic traditions And despite being a thoroughly lapsed Mormon, and so not in the sense that I would presume instruct Mormons on the doctrines of their faith, but rather as a descriptive statement that I do not believe that the elders of the Church would regard it as an accurate statement of the faith, though of course I might well be corrected on that — I would say that Romney’s statement on this matter is not particularly an accurate reflection of Mormon doctrine. Mormon doctrine regarding human reason is not, so far as I have been able to comprehend, “relativistic” in the sense used in contemporary ethical argument, even if it is more elastic some (including me) would accept.
But irrespective of whether believers are able to participate in the discussion of human reason and prophetic traditions, when adherents go out to offer leadership in the broader political community, then the unbelievers are perfectly warranted to ask that they be discussed in terms that are accessible to public discussion.
Yes, indeed, religion does have a cognitive element, but unless a candidate or elected official insists on making policy based on their religious conviction, why is it necessary to discuss? All that is really necessary to discuss is the proposed policy, and the stated reasons for bringing it forward. The attachment of a religious labels, as with race or gender, to either the proposer or the policy itself serves only to turn the reasoned discussion into the kind of vitriolic posturing that we have seen based on race in the last week. We have seen some very bad decision making based on such labels and we are seeing the public manipulated based on similar labels – they simply do not aid our public discourse. If reasoned discussion is the goal and the labels serve to override reason rather than aid it – why inject them into the conversation at all?
I am reminded of a Sunday school class I was in a couple of decades ago – it was being taught at the highest levels by a seminary professor of excellent repute. We were discussing theories of the atonement and at one point a student rose and asserted that the professor’s view of the atonement was “too masculine.” I objected in the most strenuous of terms and set forth the proposition that I am emphasizing here today. The theory of the atonement is neither masculine nor feminine, it simply is truth. Yes, men and women my arrive at that truth by different paths, but that matters not, what matters is that we arrive at the truth – together. Inserting the labels serves only to make the truth relativistic.
When it comes to public policy, what matters is that we arrive at the best possible policy. People will come to their policy choices by a variety of methods and thought processes. By definition, there cannot be different policy for one group or another – that is the definition of discrimination. Therefore, group identity entering the discussion serves no purpose other than to prevent arriving at a policy at all, or to arrive at a policy that, rather than providing maximum benefit for the most people, benefits mostly the group that can best claim victimization – again, the very definition of discrimination.
In a week of claim and counterclaim based on race, I am deeply saddened that in many ways our nation is no different than it was when I was a child spending summers with extended family in Jim Crow Mississippi. But we have clung to our labels too hard. We have to let go of them.
Lowell adds . . .

Professor Anderson’s Volokh post is remarkable on more than one level. I do not think it will move the discussion much, because it is mostly impenetrable. Consider these two statements:
The problem, at its most general, is that religion bears certain characteristics of immutable characteristics, like race or ethnicity — marks of identity that one could not change about oneself, but which — again, like skin color — are morally irrelevant, and so cannot, by themselves, be cause for either accepting or rejecting a person as a political leader in a liberal society. . . .
And despite being a thoroughly lapsed Mormon, and so not in the sense that I would presume instruct [sic] Mormons on the doctrines of their faith, but rather as a descriptive statement that I do not believe that the elders of the Church would regard it as an accurate statement of the faith, though of course I might well be corrected on that — I would say that Romney’s statement on this matter is not particularly an accurate reflection of Mormon doctrine.
Each one of those is a single sentence. I teach young lawyers that if a sentence must be read more than once by an educated reader to be understood, the writer is in trouble; more than twice, and the sentence should be rewritten.
But enough about style. Anderson’s post is a dogged argument that it is desirable – nay, necessary and proper - to make a candidate’s most private religious beliefs matters of public discussion and inquiry. We have rejected that argument on this blog dozens of times, so I won’t rehash those posts. I’ll simply refer our readers to John Mark Reynolds’ analysis, which John and I think is the perfect approach. Here’s a summary:
Freedom of religion does not mean I have to think every religion or irreligion is great! In fact it is demeaning to religion to behave this way. My Catholic friends know that I think the Pope is not the sole head of the Church and my Baptist friends know I think their view of the Eucharist inadequate. They honor me by strongly disagreeing with me. If I thought these ideas had public policies implications that would lead to bad social policy by the state, I would want to examine the views of any Catholic of Baptist politician.
That is not bigotry, just common sense.
So if we assume religious traditions are, at least in part, knowledge traditions, then being wrong about religion does matter. How wrong does one have to be before losing credibility in the public square?
Let me propose a few tests and suggest that Mormonism easily passes all of them.
First, the religious beliefs of the candidate should be held by a significant number of people and by a group willing to defend them (even if unsuccessfully) in a rational manner. . . .
Second, the group in question should not have religious claims that will naturally lead to horrific, or at least far out, public policy. . . .
Third, the group should have a long track record of generally playing by republican rules in areas where it is dominant. No group is perfect, but the Presidency is too powerful a prize to trust to a new group that might have secret authoritarian leanings.
If you want to know why Prof. Reynolds thinks Mormonism passes all three tests, read his post.
Posted in Candidate Qualifications, Doctrinal Obedience, Religious Bigotry, Religious Freedom, Understanding Religion | 9 Comments » |
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